Stalin’s Successor is teaching.
Americans should learn.
President
Obama warns that if Russia intervenes with military power to crush the
new Ukrainian government in Kiev there will be a cost. Yet, it’s hard
to know what the President can actually do that would impress Putin?
America’s
post-Cold War surplus of military power is gone. It was squandered on
self-defeating occupations in Iraq and Afghanistan. The preoccupation
with “irregular warfare,” the self-defeating interventions conflicts
with insurgents that have no armies, no air forces, no air defenses and
no naval strength has left the U.S. unprepared for current and future
crises:
· Shrinking
the Army in favor of light infantry-centric counterinsurgency—focused
units has turned what’s left of the Regular Army into a large
constabulary force. The failure to consolidate Army combat power
through reorganization, to extract more fighting power from its
remaining numbers has destroyed support for new, survivable combat
platforms the Army needs. Capability depends on organization,
technology and leadership, not just numbers.
·
Inside
the Navy, shrinking defense dollars are diverted into amphibious
carriers and Service-unique jet aircraft for the Marine Corps at a point
in time when slow, diesel-powered mini-aircraft carriers with minimal
self-protection cannot operate in anything other than an extremely
permissive environment. The Department of the Navy cannot afford two
independent air forces both operating variants of the same aircraft or
different aircraft for overlapping missions.
· The
Air Force and Navy need larger strike weapons that are faster; have
more penetrating power and more lethality for potential conflicts with
continental opponents like China or Russia, nation-states that can
absorb the precision-guided missile strikes envisioned in Air-Sea Battle
the way a sponge absorbs water.
· Today, the way American military power is organized and commanded obstructs unity of effort and supports wasteful
spending. The
President and the Secretary of Defense do not actually command the U.S.
Armed Forces, they referee them. Because there is no national defense
staff designed to assist the nation’s civilian leaders with the command
and development of the armed forces, the American people depend on an ad
hoc committee of Service Chiefs, Combatant Commanders, the Secretary of
Defense and the President for collective military leadership.
Putin understands unity of command. He has a national general staff and he commands the armed
forces. He also knows that only ready, trained Army forces equipped with mobile armored firepower integrated with powerful air forces
can initiate decisive offensive operations, punch through enemy
resistance, encircle and destroy enemy forces. Secretary Hagel should
know too, but he’s deferred to the Army four stars, men who treat the
U.S. Army and its soldiers like an old tire; letting air out until money
and people are provided to re-inflate it.
But
there comes a time when you cannot re-inflate the old tire, when the
old tire must be replaced with something new and better. It’s why Putin
has subjected the Russian Army to sweeping reform and reorganization,
eliminating its divisions and replacing them with large, mobile brigade
groups commanded by generals; mobile armored formations designed for
decisive operations in concert with
Russian airpower.
Russia
is not as strong as it once was. Russia’s armed forces number less
than a million, down from 14 million in the 1980s, but like China,
Russia is still a great continental power with massive air defenses and a
powerful army.
Fortunately,
unlike Stalin between 1929 and 1932, Putin cannot murder millions of
Ukrainians with impunity. Public displays of Russian brutality might
alert the American people to Russia’s true nature. Worse, it might wake
up Germany and the rest of the Europeans from their long, comfortable
sleep. These are the reasons why Putin is moving cautiously to secure
control of Ukraine’s “Russified” East and Crimea,” before gradually
pushing Russian military power West to
Poland’s and NATO’s eastern border.
But
it would help enormously if the U.S. Army could provide the United
States and NATO with the capabilities they need; if the option of
rapidly deploying integrated Joint U.S. Army and Aerospace forces to
Central-East Europe existed. It would be a game changer if the American
people had an army capable of providing the core of an allied force
around which the armies of Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Poland, Slovakia,
Hungary and Germany could assemble. Then, the President could hold
Moscow’s aims in Ukraine hostage to Western political demands.
Sadly, the option does not exist. Putin knows it.
Colonel (ret) Doug Macgregor is a decorated combat
veteran, a PhD and the author of five books. His last book was, Warrior’s Rage: The Great Tank Battle of 73 Easting, (USNI Press, 2009).